It will work out all right.
I can see Schryhart and Merrill and some of these other people taking notice pretty soon. They’ve missed out on two of the biggest things Chicago ever had—gas and railways.”
“Oh yes, Frank, I’m glad for you,” commented Aileen, rather drearily, who, in spite of her sorrow over his defection, was still glad that he was going on and forward.
“You’ll always do all right.”
“I wish you wouldn’t feel so badly, Aileen,” he said, with a kind of affectional protest.
“Aren’t you going to try and be happy with me?
This is as much for you as for me.
You will be able to pay up old scores even better than I will.”
He smiled winningly.
“Yes,” she replied, reproachfully but tenderly at that, a little sorrowfully, “a lot of good money does me.
It was your love I wanted.”
“But you have that,” he insisted.
“I’ve told you that over and over.
I never ceased to care for you really.
You know I didn’t.”
“Yes, I know,” she replied, even as he gathered her close in his arms.
“I know how you care.”
But that did not prevent her from responding to him warmly, for back of all her fuming protest was heartache, the wish to have his love intact, to restore that pristine affection which she had once assumed would endure forever.
Chapter XXIII. The Power of the Press
The morning papers, in spite of the efforts of Cowperwood and his friends to keep this transfer secret, shortly thereafter were full of rumors of a change in “North Chicago.”
Frank Algernon Cowperwood, hitherto unmentioned in connection with Chicago street-railways, was pointed to as the probable successor to Onias C. Skinner, and Edwin L.
Kaffrath, one of the old directors, as future vice-president.
The men back of the deal were referred to as “in all likelihood Eastern capitalists.”
Cowperwood, as he sat in Aileen’s room examining the various morning papers, saw that before the day was over he would be sought out for an expression of opinion and further details.
He proposed to ask the newspaper men to wait a few days until he could talk to the publishers of the papers themselves—win their confidence—and then announce a general policy; it would be something that would please the city, and the residents of the North Side in particular.
At the same time he did not care to promise anything which he could not easily and profitably perform.
He wanted fame and reputation, but he wanted money even more; he intended to get both.
To one who had been working thus long in the minor realms of finance, as Cowperwood considered that he had so far been doing, this sudden upward step into the more conspicuous regions of high finance and control was an all-inspiring thing.
So long had he been stirring about in a lesser region, paving the way by hours and hours of private thought and conference and scheming, that now when he actually had achieved his end he could scarcely believe for the time being that it was true.
Chicago was such a splendid city.
It was growing so fast.
Its opportunities were so wonderful.
These men who had thus foolishly parted with an indefinite lease of their holdings had not really considered what they were doing.
This matter of Chicago street-railways, once he had them well in hand, could be made to yield such splendid profits!
He could incorporate and overcapitalize.
Many subsidiary lines, which McKenty would secure for him for a song, would be worth millions in the future, and they should be his entirely; he would not be indebted to the directors of the old North Chicago company for any interest on those.
By degrees, year by year, as the city grew, the lines which were still controlled by this old company, but were practically his, would become a mere item, a central core, in the so very much larger system of new lines which he would build up about it.
Then the West Side, and even the South Side sections—but why dream?
He might readily become the sole master of street-railway traffic in Chicago!
He might readily become the most princely financial figure in the city—and one of the few great financial magnates of the nation.
In any public enterprise of any kind, as he knew, where the suffrages of the people or the privileges in their possessions are desired, the newspapers must always be considered.
As Cowperwood even now was casting hungry eyes in the direction of the two tunnels—one to be held in view of an eventual assumption of the Chicago West Division Company, the other to be given to the North Chicago Street Railway, which he had now organized, it was necessary to make friends with the various publishers.
How to go about it?
Recently, because of the influx of a heavy native and foreign-born population (thousands and thousands of men of all sorts and conditions looking for the work which the growth of the city seemed to promise), and because of the dissemination of stirring ideas through radical individuals of foreign groups concerning anarchism, socialism, communism, and the like, the civic idea in Chicago had become most acute.
This very May, in which Cowperwood had been going about attempting to adjust matters in his favor, there had been a tremendous national flare-up, when in a great public place on the West Side known as the Haymarket, at one of a number of labor meetings, dubbed anarchistic because of the principles of some of the speakers, a bomb had been hurled by some excited fanatic, which had exploded and maimed or killed a number of policemen, injuring slightly several others.
This had brought to the fore, once and for all, as by a flash of lightning, the whole problem of mass against class, and had given it such an airing as in view of the cheerful, optimistic, almost inconsequential American mind had not previously been possible.
It changed, quite as an eruption might, the whole face of the commercial landscape.
Man thought thereafter somewhat more accurately of national and civic things.
What was anarchism?
What socialism?