Khvorobyov was distressed to see posters calling upon citizens to implement the Five-Year Plan in four years, and he repeated to himself indignantly:
“Remove!
From the board!
The PCC!
In four years!
What a crass regime!”
When the Educational Methodology Sector switched to the continuous work-week, and Khvorobyov’s days off became some kind of mysterious purple fifth days instead of Sundays, he retired in disgust and went to live far beyond the city limits.
He did it in order to escape the new regime—it had taken over his entire life and deprived him of his peace.
The lone monarchist would sit above the bluff all day long, look at the city, and think about pleasant things: church services celebrating the birthday of a member of the royal family, school exams, or his relatives who had served in the Ministry of Education.
But, to his surprise, his thoughts almost immediately returned to Soviet, and therefore unpleasant, things.
“What’s new at the blasted Proletkult?” he would think.
After the Proletkult, his mind would wander to downright outrageous things: May Day and Revolution Day rallies, family evenings at the workers’ club with lectures and beer, the projected semiannual budget of the Methodology Sector.
“The Soviet regime took everything from me,” thought the former school district superintendent, “rank, medals, respect, bank account.
It even took over my thoughts.
But there’s one area that’s beyond the Bolsheviks’ reach: the dreams given to man by God.
Night will bring me peace.
In my dreams, I will see something that I’d like to see.”
The very next night, God gave Fyodor Nikitich a terrible dream.
He dreamt that he was sitting in an office corridor that was lit by a small kerosene lamp.
He sat there with the knowledge that, at any moment, he was to be removed from the board.
Suddenly a steel door opened, and his fellow office workers ran out shouting:
“Khvorobyov needs to carry more weight!” He wanted to run but couldn’t.
Fyodor Nikitich woke up in the middle of the night.
He said a prayer to God, pointing out to Him that an unfortunate error had been made, and that the dream intended for an important person, maybe even a party member, had arrived at the wrong address.
He, Khvorobyov, would like to see the Tsar’s ceremonial exit from the Cathedral of the Assumption, for starters.
Soothed by this, he fell asleep again, only to see Comrade Surzhikov, the chairman of the local union committee, instead of his beloved monarch.
And so night after night, Fyodor Nikitich would have the same, strictly Soviet, dreams with unbelievable regularity.
He dreamt of union dues, newsletters, the Goliath state farm, the grand opening of the first mass-dining establishment, the chairman of the Friends of the Cremation Society, and the pioneering Soviet flights.
The monarchist growled in his sleep.
He didn’t want to see the Friends of the Cremation.
He wanted to see Purishkevich, the far-right deputy of the State Duma; Patriarch Tikhon; the Yalta Governor, Dumbadze; or even just a simple public school inspector.
But there wasn’t anything like that.
The Soviet regime had invaded even his dreams.
“Those same dreams!” concluded Khvorobyov tearfully. “Those cursed dreams!”
“You are in serious trouble,” said Ostap compassionately. “Being, they say, determines consciousness.
Since you live under the Soviets, your dreams will be Soviet too.”
“Not one break,” complained Khvorobyov.
“Anything, anything at all.
I’ll take anything.
Forget Purishkevich.
I’ll take Milyukov the Constitutional Democrat.
At least he was a university-educated man and a monarchist at heart.
But no!
Just these Soviet anti-Christs.”
“I’ll help you,” said Ostap.
“I’ve treated several friends and acquaintances using Freud’s methods.
Dreams are not the issue.
The main thing is to remove the cause of the dream.
The principal cause of your dreams is the very existence of the Soviet regime.
But I can’t remove it right now.