“And he won’t strike people as a very steady or convincing fellow, I’m afraid — too nervous and emotional.”
“Yes, I know all that,” replied Belknap, quickly.
“He’s easily rattled.
And Mason will go after him like a wild bull.
But we’ll have to coach him as to all this — drill him.
Make him understand that it’s his only chance — that his very life depends on it.
Drill him for months.”
“If he fails, then he’s gone.
If only we could do something to give him courage — teach him to act it out.”
Jephson’s eyes seemed to be gazing directly before him at the very courtroom scene in which Clyde on the stand would have Mason before him.
And then picking up Roberta’s letters (copies of them furnished by Mason) and looking at them, he concluded:
“If it only weren’t for these — here.” He weighed them up and down in his hand. “Christ!” he finally concluded, darkly.
“What a case!
But we’re not licked yet, not by a darn sight!
Why, we haven’t begun to fight yet.
And we’ll get a lot of publicity, anyhow.
By the way,” he added, “I’m having a fellow I know down near Big Bittern dredge for that camera to-night.
Wish me luck.”
“Do I?” was all Belknap replied. ? Chapter 17
T he struggle and excitement of a great murder trial!
Belknap and Jephson, after consulting with Brookhart and Catchuman, learning that they considered Jephson’s plan “perhaps the only way,” but with as little reference to the Griffiths as possible.
And then at once, Messrs. Belknap and Jephson issuing preliminary statements framed in such a manner as to show their faith in Clyde, presenting him as being, in reality, a much maligned and entirely misunderstood youth, whose intentions and actions toward Miss Alden were as different from those set forth by Mason as white from black.
And intimating that the undue haste of the district attorney in seeking a special term of the Supreme Court might possibly have a political rather than a purely legal meaning.
Else why the hurry, especially in the face of an approaching county election?
Could there be any plan to use the results of such a trial as this to further any particular person’s, or group of persons’, political ambitions?
Messrs. Belknap and Jephson begged to hope not.
But regardless of such plans or the prejudices or the political aspirations of any particular person or group, the defense in this instance did not propose to permit a boy as innocent as Clyde, trapped by circumstances — as counsel for the defense would be prepared to show — to be railroaded to the electric chair merely to achieve a victory for the Republican party in November.
Furthermore, to combat these strange and yet false circumstances, the defense would require a considerable period of time to prepare its case.
Therefore, it would be necessary for them to file a formal protest at Albany against the district attorney’s request to the governor for a special term of the Supreme Court.
There was no need for the same, since the regular term for the trial of such cases would fall in January, and the preparation of their case would require that much time.
But while this strong, if rather belated, reply was listened to with proper gravity by the representatives of the various newspapers, Mason vigorously pooh-poohed this “windy” assertion of political plotting, as well as the talk of Clyde’s innocence.
“What reason have I, a representative of all the people of this county, to railroad this man anywhere or make one single charge against him unless the charges make themselves?
Doesn’t the evidence itself show that he did kill this girl?
And has he ever said or done one thing to clear up any of the suspicious circumstances?
No!
Silence or lies.
And until these circumstances are disproved by these very able gentlemen, I am going right ahead.
I have all the evidence necessary to convict this young criminal now.
And to delay it until January, when I shall be out of office, as they know, and when a new man will have to go over all this evidence with which I have familiarized myself, is to entail great expense to the county.
For all the witnesses I have gotten together are right here now, easy to bring into Bridgeburg without any great expense to the county.
But where will they be next January or February, especially after the defense has done its best to scatter them?
No, sir!
I will not agree to it.
But, if within ten days or two weeks from now even, they can bring me something that will so much as make it look as though even some of the charges I have made are not true, I’ll be perfectly willing to go before the presiding judge with them, and if they can show him any evidence they have or hope to have, or that there are any distant known witnesses to be secured who can help prove this fellow’s innocence, why, then, well and good.
I’ll be willing to ask the judge to grant them as much time as he may see fit, even if it throws the trial over until I am out of office.
But if the trial comes up while I’m here, as I honestly hope it will, I’ll prosecute it to the best of my ability, not because I’m looking for an office of any kind but because I am now the district attorney and it is my duty to do so.
And as for my being in politics, well, Mr. Belknap is in politics, isn’t he?
He ran against me the last time, and I hear he desires to run again.”
Accordingly he proceeded to Albany further to impress upon the Governor the very great need of an immediate special term of the Court so that Clyde might be indicted.
And the Governor, hearing the personal arguments of both Mason and Belknap, decided in favor of Mason, on the ground that the granting of a special term did not militate against any necessary delay of the trial of the case, since nothing which the defense as yet had to offer seemed to indicate that the calling of a special term was likely in any way to prevent it from obtaining as much time wherein to try the case as needed.